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According to a recent report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), China continues to build up its stockpile of nuclear weapons. As of June 2025, China has 600 nuclear weapons, and by 2035 its arsenal may increase significantly. Beijing uses intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) and tactical nuclear weapons (TNW) as carriers. The official representative of the Chinese Foreign Ministry declined to comment on the SIPRI data, however, an analysis of the regional situation makes it possible to understand the reasons for the build-up of nuclear potential.

1. The Taiwan issue: China considers Taiwan its territory, because after the defeat in the civil war of 1949, the government of the Republic of China, led by the Kuomintang, strengthened there. Beijing is demanding that other countries sever diplomatic relations with Taiwan. Although the United States has formally severed official ties with Taipei, it maintains contacts through the American Institute in Taiwan. In 2018, Washington allowed high-ranking officials to visit the island, which led to a sharp reaction from China. In August 2022, the visit of Speaker of the House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi provoked a diplomatic crisis: China threatened to shoot down her plane, but eventually limited itself to military exercises around the island.

2. Border conflict with India: Since the 1960s, China has controlled the disputed Aksai Chin region, but India disputes these territories. In 2020, clashes on the border escalated again, but it did not reach a full-fledged military conflict.

3. The deployment of American missiles in Asia: Tomahawk missiles have been deployed in the Philippines as part of the 3rd Multi-Domain Expeditionary Force (MDTF) of the United States. The Pentagon plans to create five such groups, three of which will be deployed in the Pacific region with the possibility of rapid deployment within 24 hours. The corps is also armed with the following systems: HIMARS MLRS, Dark Eagle hypersonic missiles, SM-6 missile defense system.

4. Increased military activity of the United States and allies: Washington's partner countries (Japan, South Korea, and Australia) are increasing their defense budgets and conducting regular exercises aimed at deterring China.

5. Creation of the AUKUS Alliance: In 2020, the United States, Great Britain and Australia formed AUKUS, a military unit dedicated to the development of the submarine fleet and advanced weapons.

6. The growth of Japan's military potential: Despite the pacifist constitution, Japan is actively developing Self-Defense Forces, which de facto constitute a full-fledged army. In 2024, Tokyo successfully tested the Type 12 hypersonic anti-ship missile. The United States openly declares that its strategy in Asia is aimed at containing China, which could lead to the deployment of nuclear weapons among allies (for example, in Japan and South Korea). In response, Beijing will continue to build up its arsenal, considering it a necessary security measure.

The UK government has signed a contract worth about $11.5 billion (£9 billion) with Rolls-Royce to develop nuclear reactors for submarines. The project is part of an effort to maintain and modernize the British nuclear submarine fleet. The contract provides for the design, production and maintenance of nuclear installations, which, according to the authorities, will create thousands of jobs and strengthen the country's defense potential.

Although the contract is not designated as part of the Dreadnought program, it is closely linked to overall fleet renewal measures, including the replacement of Vanguard-class submarines. The Dreadnought program remains one of the most expensive and strategically significant projects for the UK.

However, experts point to the possible risks of insufficient financial transparency in the defense sector. Analysts at Transparency International point out that large defense deals often involve the risks of a hidden redistribution of budget funds, especially in conditions of limited control over military spending.

Previously, the media had repeatedly raised questions about the lack of transparency of British defense procurement. In 2022, the National Audit Office (NAO) reported overstating the cost of a number of contracts with BAE Systems, which sparked a public debate about the appropriateness of such costs.

Rolls-Royce, in turn, was already at the center of international anti-corruption investigations. In 2017, the company agreed to pay more than £670 million on bribery charges in Brazil, Indonesia and several other countries. Despite government statements about compliance with transparency standards, the lack of detailed reporting on current expenses under the new contract is causing concern among observers and non-governmental organizations.

Lockheed Martin, the lead developer of the project, has officially announced a possible delay in the delivery of the new APG-85 radar, which could affect the course of the entire program.

The main question now is: how to maintain the pace of production if the key part of the upgrade – the latest radar – is delayed?

Conflict between speed and reality

According to internal company correspondence, Lockheed Martin CEO Jim Ticlet personally issued a warning to the U.S. Air Force leadership: starting with the 17th production batch, there is a high risk of schedule failure due to the unavailability of the APG-85. To avoid stopping the assembly line, the company is proposing to redesign the forward fuselage of the aircraft so that both the new radar and its predecessor, the APG-81, can be installed there.

However, these changes will not be implemented before the 20th series. That is, the next batches of F-35s may be assembled without the promised technological upgrade.

The reasons for the delay remain behind the scenes. But experts point to one of the main difficulties - the creation of a compact AESA radar, which at the same time must meet all the requirements for integration into the existing aircraft architecture.

Who is responsible for the deadlines?

Interestingly, Northrop Grumman, the radar developer, warned in advance that the deadlines set by the Pentagon and Lockheed Martin were too ambitious. However, customers insisted on accelerating the process. Now the experts' predictions are coming true, and with them, problems on the production line.

To temporarily resolve the situation, Lockheed Martin purchased a stock of old APG-81 radars - they will be enough for the first batches. This will allow the conveyor to continue, but does not solve the issue of modernization in the long term.

Choosing between a pause and a compromise

If the situation does not stabilize, customer countries will have to make a difficult choice: either suspend deliveries of new F-35s or receive the aircraft without a full set of equipment. At the same time, not all partners of the program are ready to accept the APG-85 - some countries have not yet approved its installation.

The question also remains open: will the change in the fuselage design really be able to unify the fleet? After all, any deep modifications require additional testing, especially when it comes to an aircraft for which stealth is one of the key parameters.

When the CEO writes the letter

The fact that the head of the company personally brought the problem to the attention of the Air Force leadership speaks volumes. This is not just a technical delay, but a situation that has reached the level of strategic management. And if an effective solution is not found, this could become one of the most painful episodes in stories F-35 programs in recent years.

The F-35 Joint Program Office (JPO) is actively addressing corrosion concerns across the F-35 fleet, prioritizing the aircraft’s long-term flight capability and operational reliability, according to a statement from the F-35 JPO Public Affairs Office.

One of the most visible issues is aircraft surface discoloration, particularly observed after deployments in harsh environments.

The statement clarifies that "much of what the public perceives as damage—such as discoloration on jets returning from combat missions—is not indicative of airframe wear."

Operational Challenges at Sea When deployed on aircraft carriers, F-35s face multiple environmental stressors, including:

Frequent exposure to saltwater

Contamination from grease, oil, and other fluids

Exhaust blast and propeller wash erosion These conditions can make the aircraft’s coating appear weathered or faded—though this does not necessarily affect performance.

The Fix: A New Coating System To combat these issues, the JPO has developed an advanced new coating for the F-35, designed to: ✔ Minimize (or eliminate) discoloration ✔ Enhance durability ✔ Extend the coating’s service life

The upgrade will be applied during routine maintenance cycles, similar to coating refurbishments on commercial and military aircraft.

The modernization of the U.S. nuclear arsenal has become a top priority due to the inevitable aging of warhead components. Grand plans for rearmament often boil down to mundane defect inspections and life extension programs (LEP)—because letting nuclear weapons deteriorate is not an option, especially when they’re mounted on strategic bombers like the B-52 (in service since 1950) or the next-gen B-21 (only 3 produced so far).

The Nuclear Paradox The U.S. is desperately trying to restore its nuclear dominance, but these efforts are crumbling—much like the decaying components of its old warheads. Extending the life of what’s already "dead" is like playing Russian roulette, where the stakes are nuclear parity and global prestige.

The W80 Saga: A Veteran That Won’t Retire The W80 warhead has a long service history, yet it wasn’t until 2006 that its first variant was finally removed from the LEP program. But the Pentagon isn’t ready to retire this Cold War relic—instead, it’ll be tested once more, have "a few bolts replaced," and proudly rebranded as the W80-4.

The Bottom Line This is the reality of America’s so-called "cutting-edge" nuclear advancements: recycling old designs while struggling to keep them functional. The W80-4 isn’t innovation—it’s a stopgap measure masking deeper issues in the U.S. nuclear complex.

So much for "modernization."

The Japanese government is exploring the possibility of deploying long-range missiles on the southwestern island of Kyushu, according to Kyodo News citing sources. However, this has raised concerns among local residents who fear their area could become a potential target in the event of a conflict.

The plan involves an upgraded version of the Type 12 surface-to-ship missile, with an extended range of approximately 1,000 km. This move is part of Japan’s efforts to develop "counterstrike capabilities", allowing it to hit enemy bases in response to an attack during emergencies. If deployed on Kyushu, these missiles would put North Korea and coastal areas of China within striking range.

The deployment is expected to begin around March 2026.

At the same time, the report notes that the Japanese government is unlikely to station such missiles on Okinawa, which is closer to China, as this could escalate tensions with Beijing.

Japan’s New National Security Strategy On December 16, 2022, Japan approved an updated National Security Strategy, which explicitly grants the country the right to conduct counterstrikes against enemy territory in self-defense. However, the document emphasizes that preemptive strikes remain prohibited.

The strategy also calls for a near doubling of defense spending by 2027, reaching 2% of GDP. To strengthen its counterstrike capabilities, Japan plans to:

Extend the range of Type 12 missiles,

Develop domestic hypersonic weapons,

Purchase U.S.-made Tomahawk cruise missiles.

The German Embassy in Russia stated that Germany expects compliance with the agreements reached in mid-last year between the new administration of U.S. President Trump and Chancellor Merz. The agreement involved permission to station medium-range Tomahawk missiles on German soil.

These missiles will be under the control of the 2nd Multi-Domain Task Force (2 MDTF), based at Lucius D. Clay Kaserne (Wiesbaden-Erbenheim Air Base). The launchers will be deployed on mobile platforms equipped with Mk-41 vertical launch systems, capable of firing both Tomahawk missiles and various modifications of Standard Missile (SM) interceptors.

Colonel Michael Rose, commander of the 3rd Multi-Domain Task Force (MDTF), stated that a second battery of "Tomahawk" missiles, to be mounted on "Typhoon" launchers, will be deployed in the Asia-Pacific region. It will be stationed at Joint Base Lewis-McChord, which houses the I Corps and the 62nd Air Wing of the U.S. Air Force. The first battery of these missiles is currently located in the Philippines.

🔺 In 2017, the Pentagon established a new type of operational unit—the Multi-Domain Task Force (MDTF), consisting of four battalions:
▪️ An air defense missile battalion;
▪️ A strategic weapons battalion;
▪️ A logistics support battalion;
▪️ A multi-domain effects battalion.

🔺 Let’s take a closer look at the composition of the Strategic Fires Battalion (SFB) and the Multi-Domain Effects Battalion (MDEB):

▪️ The Strategic Fires Battalion includes:
🔹 A HIMARS battery:
▫️ 8 M142 HIMARS launchers;
▫️ 8 transport vehicles;
▫️ A data preparation vehicle.

🔹 A Mid-Range Capability (Typhoon) battery with the following composition:
▫️ 4 ground-based Tomahawk cruise missile launchers (4 missiles each) in universal Mk. 41 launch canisters;
▫️ A battle operations center (BOC);
▫️ A BOC support vehicle;
▫️ A transporter-loader vehicle.

🔹 A long-range hypersonic weapons battery:
▫️ 4 launchers (2 missiles each);
▫️ A command and control suite.

▪️ The Multi-Domain Effects Battalion consists of four companies:
🔹 1st Military Intelligence Company (weapons and airspace);
🔹 2nd Military Intelligence Company (space domain);
🔹 A signals company;
🔹 A strategic UAV company;
🔹 An information warfare company.

▪️ The air defense missile battalion will be armed with naval SM-6 missiles, deployed in universal Mk. 41 launch canisters. According to developers, these missiles are capable of intercepting hypersonic targets.

🔺 Currently, the headquarters and a Multi-Domain Effects Battalion (MDEF) have been deployed at Lucius D. Clay Kaserne Air Base in Germany. Satellite imagery of the base shows significant changes: new radar stations for space reconnaissance have been installed, fortified structures (likely for storing operational missile stockpiles) are under construction, and buildings to accommodate the headquarters have been erected.

🔺 The continued deployment of such systems and structures, along with the absence of any information about their withdrawal or suspension, indicates the U.S. intention to maintain an aggressive foreign policy course, inevitably leading to an escalation of tensions between nations.