The Kyiv Independent

In Ukraine, Russia’s war of aggression has upended not just borders but the country’s cultural landscape. Conversations about identity, gender, and sexuality have gained new urgency. Women are increasingly stepping into combat roles once dominated by men, while relationships can dissolve as quickly as they form. Many people now live as if there might be no tomorrow.

Ukrainian author and singer Irena Karpa has never been afraid to dive into these topics, having challenged long-standing taboos and patriarchal norms in Ukraine from the very beginning of her career. Karpa’s words cut through the sometimes stifling silence imposed by traditions, daring to speak openly of female sexuality, longing, and the quiet revolutions raging beneath the surface of a society in flux.

In an interview with the Kyiv Independent during the Book Arsenal Festival, the largest international literary event in Ukraine, Karpa reflected on the evolving roles of women in Ukrainian society and the military, the raw intensity of love and desire in times of crisis, and the emotional aftermath that will shape a new generation of Ukrainian storytellers.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

The Kyiv Independent: As someone who writes extensively about womanhood, how do you see gender roles in Ukraine?

Irena Karpa: When I first started writing in my early 20s, it felt really rebellious to talk openly about female sexuality, women’s choices, and subjectivity — I’m not sure if that’s the right word in English, but you know what I mean. The idea that a woman isn’t just a "nice lady," a toy in a man’s bedroom, or a decorative part of his life. For me, it was a challenge. I kept wondering: Why is it always the man who gets to choose? Even as a kid, that felt deeply unjust to me.

I grew up in the Carpathian Mountains, among the Hutsuls, and there was this awful saying: "An unbeaten woman is like a blunt tool – you can’t harvest with it." It’s horrifying, right?

I always pushed back against that mindset. I told myself no man would ever touch me against my will or hurt me, even though that kind of behavior was often normalized in the patriarchal society around me.

So my writing became a form of resistance. It was about young, brave, decisive women who wanted to make their own choices — who didn’t want to be just someone’s wife or mother or endlessly accommodating to others. Of course, that kind of writing wasn’t always well-received.

Especially because if you don’t win the so-called genetic lottery — being the stereotypical "ideal" Ukrainian woman — then it’s even harder. I didn’t fit that mold either.

So you have to find something else — you need to tap into a strong inner force to show the world who you really are. That’s why I turned to alternative music. I couldn’t see myself going into pop — I didn’t fit the mold.

It was the same with literature. I didn’t quite fit the typical profile there either. There weren’t many women writing in the way I wanted to write. Probably the most prominent figure (in Ukrainian literature) was [Oksana Zabuzhko](https://kyivindependent.com/oksana-zabuzhkos-the-longest-journey-an-excerpt/) — she still is. I read her work and thought, “Wow, you really can talk openly about sex.”

Of course, she used different language — more literary terms for private parts and so on — but still, it was powerful. I remember one part that really struck me: she wrote about male arousal and a woman approaching him. I must’ve been around 18 at the time when I read it, and I was stunned — not because it was the first sexual scene I’d ever read. I had read (Guy de) Maupassant, for instance, since I grew up with a lot of French literature. And in the '90s, we had this funny tabloid called “Pan plus Pani,” which was full of erotic stories.

Ukrainian writer Oksana Zabuzhko attends a press conference prior to the opening of the 74th Berlinale in Berlin, Germany, on Feb. 15, 2024. (John Macdougall / AFP via Getty Images)

But Zabuzhko was different. She was older than my parents, and here she was, unapologetically writing about sex. I thought, “Wow, she’s a woman and she can do this?” That felt like permission — like she opened a door for the rest of us.

Then there were other writers — like Yuri Izdryk or Yuri Andrukhovych  — who also wrote about the body and physical experiences, in very bold and different ways. Sure, there were patriarchal elements in some of their work, but I never felt like I had to accept "secondhand sex," you know? Just because I’m a woman doesn’t mean I’m beneath a man. Never. It always felt equal — or at least, it depended on the person. If someone’s clearly less intelligent than me, why should his opinion carry more weight just because he’s a man? No way.

The Kyiv Independent: Do you feel that the war has shifted these patriarchal ideas about gender roles?

Irena Karpa: Things are changing a lot now. In the beginning, if you listen to activists or women in the military — like Maria Berlinska — she’ll tell you how bad it was. There wasn’t even basic underwear designed for female soldiers. The uniforms didn’t fit: too tight around the chest, too loose elsewhere. There was nothing made for women — it was all designed with men in mind.

And even if a woman was trained to be a shooter, they’d still list her as a kitchen worker. It was absurd.

But now, things are shifting. The last numbers I saw said there are around 75,000 women serving in the Ukrainian army, and many of them hold commanding positions. So yes, the war is forcing these roles to evolve.

We’re seeing incredible women rise — like Natasha, the woman who made headlines for shooting down a Russian missile. Before the full-scale war, she was a kindergarten teacher. That kind of transformation is powerful.

We’re also hearing many more female voices — not just in the military but across the volunteer sector and civil society. We still don’t have enough women in politics, but there are many leading in business. Though even there, they face sexism. I have friends who head major companies, and they still get talked down to like they don’t belong.

But it is changing — and it’s changing fast.

I really hope I live to see the day when a woman becomes president of Ukraine. And in the U.S. too — we all had hopes. A woman of color in leadership should be normal by now. People need to accept that change is here. The time for sexism and racism should be over, but the fight goes on. And it will continue.

Read also: Ukrainian Valkyries: Women embrace military training to learn to defend their homeland (Photos)

The Kyiv Independent: As a storyteller, how do you see the ways in which wartime is reshaping intimacy between people?

Irena Karpa: Life speeds up — and when it does, everything within it starts moving faster too.Relationships, love stories — it’s all true. I know people who lived through three or even five love stories just during the war. And each time, it felt like: “This is the one.”

People get married quickly, and often very young, because you never know — tomorrow might not come. So why wait? Why postpone something meaningful, some experience you deeply want to live? You live fast because there's no guarantee of later.

I really hope that kind of urgency won't become the norm for the younger generation — but who knows anymore? In Ukraine today, no one is truly safe — not even in (western cities like) Lviv.

Relationships, especially in times like these, are about shared values. Not hormones. Not a piece of paper. But something deeper — something forged in the intensity of shared experience.

Back in my youth, we had the luxury of time — to fall in love slowly, to live with someone, to figure it out. Young people today don’t have that. Over three years of their lives have already been stolen by war. Before that, it was Covid.

It’s heartbreaking. They missed school, missed university. Now, they live in constant anxiety, in a permanent state of risk. So of course, they live fast. It’s not surprising they get married quickly, divorce quickly.

I’ve seen it firsthand. As a storyteller, I even wrote about one such woman in my (upcoming) book. She fled to France with her teenage daughter. From that distance, she began to see her past relationships for what they were — dead long before she left. Sometimes, distance gives you clarity.

It’s the same for a soldier. If his wife is emotionally disconnected — whether she’s in Ukraine or abroad — and there's a woman beside him, maybe a volunteer or fellow fighter, someone who shares his values in the here and now… naturally, a connection forms.

Because relationships, especially in times like these, are about shared values. Not hormones. Not a piece of paper. But something deeper — something forged in the intensity of shared experience.

It was like that during the Maidan revolution, too. So many couples got married right there, in the tents. It was romantic, yes — but also fast, impulsive, driven by adrenaline and the sense that time was running out.

War is like that, but even more intense. Because when death is near, every emotion is amplified. You feel things more deeply. Life becomes sharper, more vivid. Even the smallest decisions feel profound.

A bride and groom kiss during their wedding in Kharkiv, Ukraine, on May 18, 2024, amid the Russian invasion. (Kostiantyn Liberov / Libkos / Getty Images)

As a writer, I use those stories. I just finished writing a book called “My Boyfriend Comes Back on Sunday.” It’s dedicated to a different kind of hero — not the ones who act fast, but the ones who wait. And the ones who are waited for. The novel is about a long-term, long-distance relationship between two people who have never met — but they're in love.Imagine loving someone you may never actually see in person. And yet, people stay faithful, deeply committed to each other, even with that uncertainty. It's another way of experiencing the war — through emotion, through longing, through love that exists in absence.

I find it incredibly compelling to explore these emotional landscapes — the different kinds of relationships, the transformations of the human soul under pressure. The events of the war — the battles, the destruction — those are being documented everywhere already: in videos, in news reports, in documentaries. They don't need me for that.

As a writer, what interests me is something else entirely: the passion, the sexuality, the bonds, the commitments — how all of that shifts and evolves during wartime.

The Kyiv Independent: We're talking about how many things are changing and becoming more open — but what taboos do you think the next generation of Ukrainian authors will have to contend with?

Irena Karpa: Oh, I think there will be a kind of emotional low tide after all this. I wonder what it will look like — like post-war fashion, for example, where designers use colors to compensate for the heaviness, like Dior with their floral dresses.

There will definitely be a new subculture born from this — a fresh expression of society. I don’t know exactly what it will be yet, but, like after every war, there will be a very empty, quiet moment.

There will be grief — because right now, we don’t even allow ourselves to fully mourn those we’ve lost, our loved ones. Afterward, society will have to adjust to many people living with the physical consequences of war — those with prosthetics, new faces of a changed community.

Even our perception of sexuality and what we consider sex symbols will shift. It’s already changing right now.

Writers will need to explore all this — the loneliness many will feel, because a lot of people will be left alone.

I try to focus on brighter sides, but there will be a lot of PTSD among civilians and especially those returning from the front lines. The adrenaline, the sense of purpose, the support of true friends — all of that will be gone, making everything feel dull and gray.

I believe this moment — this aftermath — will be a rich, complex subject for many writers to explore in the years ahead.

Note from the author:

Hi there, it's Kate Tsurkan, thanks for reading my latest interview. It's really important for me to do my own small part to promote Ukrainian authors in the English-speaking world. Irena Karpa is one of my favorites because she's such a great role model for women — beautiful, strong, and fearless. If you like reading this sort of thing, please consider supporting us and becoming a member of the Kyiv Independent today.

Read also: 10 authors shaping contemporary Ukrainian literature

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Ukraine's Defense Ministry has officially approved the new domestically produced unmanned ground vehicle, known as the Termit, for front-line use, the ministry announced on June 21.

The tracked robot is a next-generation version of Ukraine's existing ground-based unmanned systems already deployed across the front. These systems have supported operations by transporting supplies, conducting reconnaissance, and carrying explosives in contested areas.

Termit, the newest model in the series, features improved mobility and modularity. The drone can carry up to 300 kilograms and operates on various terrains thanks to its low profile, tracked design, and improved weight distribution.

Its traction battery system allows for several hours of continuous movement over dozens of kilometers. According to the Defense Ministry, Termit drones can be equipped with combat modules, used for medical evacuations, or for transporting specialized equipment as needed.

Ground drones such as Termit are being used more frequently to minimize soldier exposure to front-line risks. Since Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022, Kyiv has prioritized the development of unmanned systems across all domains — air, sea, and land.

President Volodymyr Zelensky has called for the production of at least 30,000 long-range drones in 2025, alongside expanded investment in strike-capable hybrids such as the Palianytsia and Peklo missile-drone platforms.

Read also: Russia ‘afraid to admit’ scale of losses, trying to hide by dumping soldiers’ bodies on Ukraine, Zelensky says

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Editor's note: This item has been expanded with additional details.

Belarusian opposition leader and political prisoner Sergei Tikhanovsky was released on June 21, shortly after dictator Alexander Lukashenko met in Minsk with U.S. President Donald Trump's special envoy for Ukraine, Keith Kellogg.

Tikhanovsky, a popular blogger who planned to challenge Lukashenko in the 2020 presidential election, was arrested shortly before the vote and later sentenced to 18 years in prison on politically motivated charges. Amnesty International recognized Tikhanovsky as a prisoner of conscience.

His wife, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, stepped in and became the main opposition candidate against Lukashenko.

At least 13 political detainees, including prominent blogger Ihar Losik, were also released on June 21, Belarusian independent outlet Nasha Niva reported.

In a post on social media, Tsikhanouskaya welcomed the news but highlighted that "1,150 political prisoners remain behind bars."

My husband Siarhei is free! It’s hard to describe the joy in my heart.Thank you, 🇺🇸 @POTUS, @SPE_Kellogg, @JohnPCoale, DAS Christopher W. Smith, @StateDept & our 🇪🇺 allies, for all your efforts.We’re not done. 1150 political prisoners remain behind bars. All must be released. pic.twitter.com/MhngqBHFq3

— Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya (@Tsihanouskaya) June 21, 2025

Kellogg's deputy, John Coale, said the released political prisoners had been transferred to Vilnius and expressed gratitude to the Lithuanian government for facilitating their relocation.

"President Trump's strong leadership led to the release of 14 prisoners from Belarus today. Thanks to the Lithuanian government for its cooperation and assistance — they remain a true friend and ally," Coale wrote on X.

According to official results of the 2020 election, Lukashenko won with 80% of the vote, while Tikhanouskaya received just 10%. Evidence indicates that the election was heavily rigged, and Tikhanovskaya could have realistically won the vote.

As a result, hundreds of thousands took to the streets in Belarus in 2020 to demand a fair election. Thousands were arrested, and many were beaten and tortured. At least seven demonstrators were killed during the protests.

Minsk has faced repeated Western sanctions since the brutal crackdown on pro-democracy protests.

Lukashenko, in power since 1994, is a close ally of Russian President Vladimir Putin and has allowed Russia to use Belarusian territory for military operations against Ukraine.

"You have caused quite a stir in the world with your arrival," Lukashenko told Kellogg during their meeting at the Palace of Independence, according to state-run outlet Belta.

"But I wonder why. Can't we have a normal dialogue and talk about our affairs – about relations between Belarus and the United States of America?"

Kellogg is the highest-ranking U.S. official to visit Belarus in recent years, following former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's 2020 trip under Trump's first term.

Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Lukashenko's regime has played a key logistical role in supporting Moscow's campaign, offering its territory for troop deployments and weapons stockpiles.

Read also: Russia ‘afraid to admit’ scale of losses, trying to hide by dumping soldiers’ bodies on Ukraine, Zelensky says

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Forged from the remnants of the Soviet Spetsnaz, Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces have become a vital pillar of the country’s current defense, playing their role in some of the war’s most decisive engagements – from Kyiv to Donbas, and to Kursk Oblast in Russia. Since the beginning of Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022, they have had to learn and adapt, as the rise of the war of drones transformed what was understood to be achievable by special forces, for better or for worse.

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President Volodymyr Zelensky on June 20 called on U.S. President Donald Trump to "make the right choice for history" by standing with Ukraine against Russian aggression.

Zelensky said Moscow is attempting to influence the U.S. president amid the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran.

"(Russian President Vladimir) Putin really wants us to be without America," Zelensky said during a briefing attended by the Kyiv Independent. "For President Trump right now, the Israel-Iran issue is definitely a higher priority."

The Ukrainian president cautioned that Moscow lacks the capability to meaningfully support Iran but will "pretend" otherwise to gain influence with Washington.

"I think this is also a sign to President Trump. And I really don't want him (Trump) to make a deal with the Russians that is not in our favor," he said.

Zelensky said that U.S. support remains essential for Ukraine's defense and long-term security. While some European countries have committed to backing Ukraine, he said, the loss of American support would be the most difficult scenario.

"So that President Trump makes the right choice for history," Zelensky said. "Because it's the right thing to be with us. Because Putin is the aggressor. And in any case, the aggressor loses."

He added that the Ukrainian delegation is actively working with U.S. officials, including a recent conversation between Economy Minister Yulia Svyrydenko and U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent regarding the minerals agreement and securing new military assistance.

"We handed over a specific weapons package we need, including Patriot systems, and we are awaiting feedback," Zelensky added. "We are ready to find the money for this entire package."

The president said these items — military aid, sanctions, and coordinated diplomatic pressure on the Kremlin — would be key topics in a potential meeting with Trump.

"We need greater certainty and greater pressure from the world on Putin — this is necessary for diplomacy," he said. "And I would like to discuss these formats with him."

Putin offered to mediate between Israel and Iran after speaking with both Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on June 13.

Russia condemned Israel's strikes, which targeted Iran's nuclear and military infrastructure using 200 aircraft and 330 munitions. Iran retaliated with missile strikes on Tel Aviv and other cities, killing five Ukrainian citizens on June 14.

Zelensky traveled to the G7 Leaders' Summit in Canada on June 17, hoping for a one-on-one meeting with Trump. The U.S. president left the summit early, citing the escalating Israel-Iran crisis.

Despite rejecting Putin's offer to mediate in the Middle East conflict, Trump has not imposed any new sanctions on Russia, even as the Kremlin continues to reject ceasefire proposals in its war against Ukraine.

Read also: Russia ‘afraid to admit’ scale of losses, trying to hide by dumping soldiers’ bodies on Ukraine, Zelensky says

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Dutch protesters who regularly call for an end to military aid to Ukraine will descend on The Hague next week to protest the upcoming NATO summit, which is set to take place on June 24-25.

The group will protest against NATO alongside several other organizations and has urged supporters on social media to sign a petition calling on NATO to stop military aid to war zones and to reject what it calls "economically devastating sanctions warfare."

Operating under the name “Vredesdemonstratie” meaning “Peace Demonstration” in Dutch, the movement poses as a peace initiative but is known for making its demands solely of Ukraine and its supporters, and never of Russia.

The group’s demonstrations often feature Russian flags and sometimes include cultural performances, such as singing traditional songs, dancing, and wearing traditional attire.

In an earlier investigative story, the Kyiv Independent reported on a February event where members of the Peace Demonstration group appeared in Amsterdam with placards reading: "Ukraine is evil for Dutch taxpayers” and “Zelensky! Stop killing your people!"

Another read “Sponsoring Kiev is sponsoring terrorism against Ukrainians,” using the Russian spelling for Ukraine’s capital city Kyiv.

Demonstrators hold banners in a photo-op protest aimed at discrediting the Ukrainian government at Dam Square in Amsterdam on Feb. 16, 2025. (The Kyiv Independent)

This year’s NATO summit is hoped to bring clarity on the future of defense spending amid internal divisions and growing pressure from U.S. President Donald Trump, including demands to increase defense budgets across all member states.

The alliance plays an important role in coordinating military aid and funding weapons supplies to support Ukraine’s defense against Russian aggression.

With U.S. support for Ukraine looking ever more uncertain, an increase in defense spending would therefore be crucial to maintaining consistent military support for the country. NATO member states are expected to agree on raising defense spending per country from the current 2% to 5% of GDP.

Anti-Nato propaganda spread on the Vredesdemonstratie Facebook group. (Vredesdemonstratie/Facebook)

The anti-NATO demonstration on June 24-25 is organised by the People for Peace collective. It aims to bring together activists from across the ideological spectrum, though it contains several radical left-wing organizations.

These groups are often associated with controversial figures and Kremlin sympathizers, including Ab Gietelink, host of Alternatief TV, who has interviewed Russian ambassadors and pro-Kremlin activists; Marie-Thérèse Ter Haar, a founder of the Russia & Eastern Europe Academy in the Netherlands, known for organizing cultural trips and promoting emigration to Russia; and Gideon van Meijeren, a MP from the far-right Forum for Democracy (FvD). All are listed among the event’s registered speakers.

In addition, on Sunday, June 23, a separate anti-NATO demonstration will be held in The Hague by a different group, the Counter-Summit Coalition for Peace and Justice, which chose to distance itself from the main protest taking place during the summit.

Participants at a rally hold a banner reading “Vrede met Rusland” (“Peace with Russia”) alongside a stylized Russian flag in an undated photo.. (Vredesdemonstratie/Facebook)Natalia Vorontsova (C) holds a Russian flag, while another Russian, Elnara Muermans, sings and plays the accordion during a "peace demonstration" at Dam Square in Amsterdam on March 31, 2024. (Screenshot / Potkaars-live)Protesters in Netherlands march with a banner reading “Geen wapens voor vrede” (“No weapons for peace”) during a demonstration organized by the Peace Demonstration group in an undated photo.. (Vredesdemonstratie/Facebook)

Efforts by various groups to undermine NATO often echo anti-imperialist rhetoric, yet Russia is pursuing a deeply imperialist agenda through war, the occupation of Ukrainian territory, and the expansion of its sphere of influence.

EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas recently warned that failing to step up military and financial support for Ukraine could leave Europe increasingly exposed to Russian influence. She pointed to a sharp rise in Russia’s military spending, now surpassing the combined military budgets of EU member states.

Ukraine’s path to NATO membership is unlikely to be on the agenda at this year’s summit. Unlike in previous years, the final communique may omit any reference to Ukraine’s membership or direct mention of Ukraine and Russia, as NATO looks to avoid tensions with Trump. Still, Ukraine was ultimately invited, despite earlier speculation about possible U.S. opposition.

The demonstrations will also feature activists from established pro-Palestinian movements who are calling for NATO withdrawal in protest against Israel’s military actions in Gaza and the West Bank and continued Western military support for Israel.

Read also: Exposed: The ‘Stop Zelensky’ protesters sowing Russian disinfo across Europe

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Russia is using the return of war dead as a tool for manipulation to obscure the scale of its military losses from the public, President Volodymyr Zelensky said during a briefing on June 20 attended by the Kyiv Independent.

According to Zelensky, Ukrainian authorities have confirmed that at least 20 of the bodies Russia returned as Ukrainian were actually Russian soldiers.

"Sometimes these bodies even have Russian passports," Zelensky said. He also cited the case of a deceased Israeli citizen fighting on Russia's side, whom Moscow had passed off as a Ukrainian soldier.

"Putin is afraid to admit how many people have died. Because if the moment comes when he needs to mobilize, his society will be afraid," he said.

Zelensky's remarks follow the June 2 prisoner and body exchange agreement in Istanbul, the most extensive of the full-scale war. Under that deal, Ukraine recovered 6,057 bodies of its fallen soldiers. Russia, according to Kremlin aide Vladimir Medinsky, took back only 78.

Explaining the difference between the two numbers, Zelensky said that the bodies of the vast majority of Russian soldiers currently killed on the battlefield remain in Russian hands.

"They were advancing, and their dead remained in the territory where they were," he said.

According to the president, exchanges of bodies and even severely wounded soldiers have taken place on the battlefield, but such exchanges are typically not publicized.

President Volodymyr Zelensky presents evidence to the media in Kyiv on June 21, 2025, showing that Russia handed over the bodies of its own soldiers during exchanges. (Presidential Office)President Volodymyr Zelensky presents evidence to the media in Kyiv on June 21, 2025, showing that Russia handed over the bodies of its own soldiers during exchanges. (Presidential Office)

Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko earlier confirmed a case in which the remains of Alexander Viktorovich Bugaev, a Russian soldier from the 39th Separate Guards Motorized Rifle Brigade, were returned to Ukraine disguised as a Ukrainian casualty.

"This shows how little human life means to Russia. Or maybe it's just a way to avoid paying compensation to the families. But they will have to pay anyway: we are returning these bodies," Klymenko said on June 19.

Ukraine's General Staff said on June 21 that Russian forces have sustained over 1,010,000 casualties — killed and wounded — since launching the full-scale invasion in February 2022.

Independent Russian outlet Mediazona, along with the BBC Russian Service, has verified the identities of 111,387 Russian soldiers killed, emphasizing that the actual number is likely much higher.

Russia has continued to deny the scale of its losses, often inflating Ukrainian casualties and spreading false narratives. Zelensky warned that this is part of a broader propaganda effort to "break the reality in which we live," in which Russian forces are suffering far greater losses.

The June 2 negotiations in Istanbul led to the most extensive prisoner and body exchange agreement of the full-scale war, although no ceasefire was achieved.

On June 7, Russia accused Kyiv of rejecting a proposed body return, releasing footage that allegedly showed Ukrainian corpses stored in refrigeration units. Ukraine dismissed these claims, saying that the footage was shot on Russian territory, not at a designated handover site.

Kyiv has consistently called for an "all-for-all" exchange of prisoners of war, but Moscow has so far refused to agree to a comprehensive swap.

Read also: ‘All of Ukraine is ours’ — Putin on Russia’s territorial ambitions in Ukraine

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The administration of U.S. President Donald Trump has issued layoff notices to over 600 employees of Voice of America (VOA), dramatically reducing the outlet's staff to fewer than 200, the New York Times (NYT) reported on June 20.

VOA, launched in 1942 to counter wartime propaganda, has long been a central pillar of U.S. public diplomacy, broadcasting in 49 languages to more than 360 million people worldwide.

Trump's crackdown against Voice of America has been celebrated by Russian propagandists, who welcomed the cuts to the network.

The dismissals, described as reductions in force, affect both journalists and support staff, who will remain on paid leave until Sept. 1. The cuts are the biggest rollback of the federally funded broadcaster in decades, reducing its staff to one-seventh of what it was at the start of 2025.

The Trump administration's move follows months of attrition at the agency. In February, the outlet employed approximately 1,300 staff. Since then, programming has been slashed, with broadcasts now limited to just four languages.

The decision to dismantle VOA has met legal challenges.

On April 22, a U.S. federal judge ordered the administration to reinstate all employees and contractors, ruling that the mass dismissal likely violated U.S. law. However, a federal appeals court overturned that order, allowing the layoffs to proceed.

The Trump administration temporarily reinstated several staff members from VOA's Persian-language service amid the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran. But at least two of those individuals also received layoff notices on June 20, according to the NYT.

Trump has repeatedly attacked U.S.-funded media outlets over their coverage, often referring to them as "fake news." His administration has framed the VOA cuts as a cost-saving measure and a response to what it views as politically biased reporting.

Read also: Not content with waging war inside Ukraine, Russia has now taken it into the virtual world

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President Volodymyr Zelensky on June 20 said sanctions are "urgently" needed on more Russian defense companies in order to stall the mass-production of the Oreshnik intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM).

Speaking at a press briefing attended by the Kyiv Independent, Zelensky said a "large number" of companies were involved in the manufacture of Oreshnik which Russia has launched at Ukraine once, and used the threat of more launches to intimidate Kyiv and its Western allies.

Russia first launched the experimental Oreshnik missile in an attack against Dnipro on Nov. 21. Putin claimed the strike was a response to Ukraine's use of U.S. and British long-range missiles to attack Russian territory.

While little is known about the missile, defense experts say it is likely not an entirely new development, but rather an upgraded version of Russia's RS-26 missile. The RS-26, also known as the Rubezh, was first produced in 2011.

While Putin has announced plans for mass production of the Oreshnik, a U.S. official previously  told The Kyiv Independent that Russia likely possesses only a small number of these experimental missiles.

Zelensky said 39 Russian defense companies were involved in its production, 21 of which are not currently under sanctions.

"And this means that they receive parts and components for the Oreshnik, and they need it, because without these parts there will be no Oreshnik," he said.

Highlighting apparent difficulties Russia was already having in mass-producing the missile, Zelensky said it is "absolutely incomprehensible why sanctions should not be imposed urgently."

An infographic titled "Russia's new missile Orehsnik" created in Ankara, Turkiye on November 29, 2024. (Omar Zaghloul/Anadolu via Getty Images)

The Financial Times (FT) reported on Dec. 27. that the upgrades were developed using advanced manufacturing equipment from Western companies, despite sanctions.

Two key Russian weapons engineering institutes — Moscow Institute for Thermal Technology (MITT) and Sozvezdie — were named by Ukrainian intelligence as developers of the Oreshnik.

According to the FT, they posted job listings in 2024 that specified expertise in operating German and Japanese metalworking systems.

The listings cited Fanuc (Japan), Siemens, and Haidenhein (both Germany) control systems for high-precision computer numerical control machines essential for missile production.

Despite sanctions slowing the flow of such equipment, FT analysis found that at least $3 million worth of Heidenhain components were shipped into Russia in 2024, with some buyers closely tied to military production.

Read also: Russia pulls its scientists out of Iranian nuclear plant, as Israeli strikes threaten decades of collaboration

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At least 13 civilians were injured in Russian attacks across Ukraine over the past 24 hours, regional authorities reported on June 21.

Russia launched 272 drones overnight, including Iranian-designed Shahed-type suicide drones, along with two ballistic missiles and six cruise missiles, Ukraine's Air Force said.

Ukrainian air defenses intercepted 140 drones, three Iskander-K cruise missiles, one Kinzhal air-to-air missile, and one Kalibr cruise missile. Another 112 drones reportedly dropped off radars — likely used as decoys to overwhelm Ukrainian systems.

The Air Force said the combined attack was repelled using aviation, mobile fire groups, electronic warfare units, and anti-aircraft missile systems.

In Kherson Oblast, Russian strikes on residential areas and social infrastructure injured seven civilians, Governor Oleksandr Prokudin said. Kherson and surrounding settlements west of the Dnipro River face near-daily Russian attacks.

In Donetsk Oblast, three people were wounded in Russian strikes, Governor Vadym Filashkin reported. The region remains one of the most heavily targeted areas amid ongoing Russian offensive operations.

In Poltava Oblast, one person was moderately injured after Russian attacks damaged energy infrastructure and open areas, according to local officials.

A 75-year-old woman was injured in Sumy Oblast after a drone strike, regional authorities said. A woman was also wounded in Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Governor Ivan Fedorov reported, without specifying the nature of the attack.

The strikes come amid Russia's ongoing refusal to accept ceasefire proposals as it intensifies coordinated aerial assaults across Ukraine.

Read also: ‘All of Ukraine is ours’ — Putin on Russia’s territorial ambitions in Ukraine

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Editor's note: This story was published in conjunction with Grist.**

Twenty-two-year-old software developer Artem Motorniuk has spent his entire life in the Zaporizhzhia region of Ukraine, living in the north and visiting his grandparents in the south. It’s been almost four years since he’s seen them in person.

"My grandparents right now are under occupation," he says. "We can reach them once a month on the phone."

Motorniuk and his family’s story is a common one in eastern Ukraine. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of the country in February 2022, the war has devastated both occupied and liberated regions. Over a million people have been killed or injured in the war, according to recent estimates. The vast majority of civilian deaths have been Ukrainian. Whole cities and towns in Ukraine have been flattened and infrastructure destroyed, leading to almost 6 million people displaced internally and 5.7 million refugees taking shelter in neighboring European countries. For those who remain, the psychological toll is mounting.

"They shoot rockets really close to Zaporizhzhia,” Motorniuk said. “[Last August] they got the region with artillery shells, and they hit in the place where children were just hanging around and killed four children."

A toy truck lies outside the Levada children’s cafe in the central park, damaged by a Russian artillery shell strike in Malokaterynivka village, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Ukraine, on Aug. 20, 2024. (Ukrinform / NurPhoto via Getty Images)

The war has become highly politicized in the U.S. in recent months. The U.S. in April signed a deal with Ukraine to establish a joint investment fund for the country’s eventual reconstruction, in exchange for access to its wealth of critical minerals. At the same time, U.S. President Donald Trump has increasingly aligned himself with Russian President Vladimir Putin, at one time even questioning which country started the war, and U.S. attempts to advance a ceasefire have stalled.

Now, just past the three-year mark, the war’s long-term costs are becoming more apparent, including the damage to the country’s natural resources. Missiles, artillery shelling, and explosive devices, such as land mines, have ravaged Ukraine’s landscapes and ecosystems. Over a third of all carbon emissions in Ukraine stem from warfare — the largest share of any sector in the country.

Fighting has triggered destructive wildfires in heavily forested and agricultural grassland regions of eastern Ukraine. From February 2022 through September 2024, almost 5 million acres burned, nearly three-quarters of which are in or adjacent to the combat zone.

But not all missiles explode when they’re shot, and mines only go off when they’re tripped, meaning these impacts will linger long after the war ceases.

This is why a collective of forestry scientists in Ukraine and abroad are working together to study war-driven wildfires and other forest destruction, as well as map unexploded ordnance that could spur degradation down the road. The efforts aim to improve deployment of firefighting and other resources to save the forests. It is welcome work, but far from easy during a war, when their efforts come with life-threatening consequences.

The Serebryansky Forest serves as a strategic passing point for Russian forces and a key defense point for Ukrainian forces. To completely occupy the Luhansk and Donetsk regions, Russia has to pass through the forest. Holding the line here has allowed Ukraine to stop the Russian advance, but at a steep cost.

"The shelling, it’s an explosive wave, the fire makes everything unrecognizable," a medic with the National Guard 13th Khartiya Brigade told the Institute for War & Peace Reporting in March. "When they get up, the forest is different, it has all changed."

When you introduce war, you create fires that can’t be effectively extinguished.

"You cannot fly aircraft to suppress fire with water because that aircraft will be shot down," Maksym Matsala, a postdoctoral researcher at the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, told Grist.

Forests and agricultural land are woven together across Ukraine, meaning wildfires also endanger the country’s food supply. Battle-sparked blazes destroy harvests and eliminate the trees that shelter cropland from drying winds and erosion that can lead to drought — leaving those on the military front lines and Ukrainian citizens at risk of food insecurity.

A forest burns after Russian shelling in Raihorodok, Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine, on July 19, 2024. (Ethan Swope / Getty Images)

Preventative measures like removing unexploded ordnance that could ignite or intensify fires are now unimaginably dangerous and significantly slower when set to the backdrop of explosions or gunfire, said Sergiy Zibtsev, a forestry scientist at the National University of Life and Environmental Sciences of Ukraine and head of the Regional Eastern Europe Fire Monitoring Center. In a country as heavily covered in mines as Ukraine, this turns small embers into out-of-control blazes.

Matsala added that forests under these war-ravaged conditions may not ever truly recover. Consistent shelling, explosions, and fires leave a graveyard of charred trees that barely resemble a woodland at all. Consistent fighting since February 2022 has left the Serebryansky Forest an alien landscape.

"The local forest now looks like some charcoal piles without any leaves, and it's just like the moon landscape with some black sticks," Matsala said.

In liberated regions of Ukraine, the wildfire management strategy involves removing land mines one by one, a process known as demining. It’s a multistep system where trained professionals first survey a landscape, sometimes using drones, to identify regions where mines are likely to be found.

They then sweep the landscape with metal detectors until the characteristic pattern of beeps confirms their presence. Next, they must disable and extract it. Even without the risk of accidentally triggering unexploded ordnance, demining in an active war zone is incredibly dangerous. Deminers elsewhere have been killed by enemy combatants before. And a misstep can cause an explosion that sparks a new fire, which can spread quickly in Ukraine’s war-denuded landscape. Demining is a "square meter by square meter" process that must be done meticulously, said Zibtsev.

These challenges are what spurred Brian Milakovsky and Brian Roth, two professional foresters with Eastern European connections, to found Forest Release in 2023.

Ukrainian National Guard soldiers examine a Russian rocket that crashed but did not explode in Serebryansky forest in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine, on June 26, 2024. (Pablo Miranzo / Anadolu via Getty Images)

The U.S.-based nonprofit helps coordinate and disseminate monitoring research in Ukraine’s forests. Using satellite products that take into account vegetation greenness, Milakovsky, Roth, and their collaborators can identify particular forests in Ukraine that might be under the most stress from fires. Forest Release can then send this information to local firefighters or forest managers in Ukraine so they can tend to those forests first.

It also collects firefighting safety equipment from the U.S. to donate to firefighters in Ukraine. Both of these activities allow Forest Release and its Ukrainian counterpart, the Ukrainian Forest Safety Center, to support organizations in Ukraine who train foresters to fight fires.

To make drone-based mine detection more effective and safe, two other American researchers launched an AI-powered mine-detection service in 2020 that’s being used in Ukraine: Jasper Baur, a remote sensing researcher, and GabrielSteinberg, a computer scientist, founded SafePro AI to tap artificial intelligence to more autonomously and efficiently detect land mines in current and former warzones.

"I started researching high-tech land mines in 2016 in university,” Baur told Grist. "I was trying to research how we can detect these things that are a known hazard, especially for civilians and children."

Surface land mines, as Baur explained, can seem particularly innocuous, which makes them even more dangerous. "They look like toys," he said. He and Steinberg worked to turn their research project into a tangible application that would help deminers globally.

SafePro AI is trained on images of both inactive and active unexploded ordnance — everything from land mines to grenades. The model works by differentiating an ordnance from its surroundings, giving deminers an exact location of where a land mine is. When not being trained on images from Ukraine, it learns from images sourced elsewhere that Baur tries to ensure are as close to reality as possible.

"A lot of our initial training data was in Oklahoma, and I've been collecting a lot in farmlands in New York," he said. "I walk out with bins of inert land mines, and I scatter them in farm fields and then I try to make [the conditions] as similar to Ukraine as possible."

Because a lot of land mines are in fields adjacent to Ukrainian forests, focusing removal efforts at the perimeter can stop fires before they spread. SafePro AI has team members in the U.S., the U.K., and also in Ukraine. In fact, Motorniuk, from Zaporizhzhia Oblast who also works for SafePro AI as a developer, said that his work has shown him that he can make a difference without picking up a gun. SafePro AI has received funding from the United Nations Development Programme to deploy the technology in Ukraine through humanitarian land mine action organizations. So far, the company has surveyed over 15,000 acres of land, detecting over 26,000 unexploded ordnance.

An aerial view of a charred pine forest contaminated with mines and unexploded ordnance in Svyatohirsk, Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine, on Sept. 27, 2024. (Pierre Crom / Getty Images)

Much of the protection of Ukraine’s forests in and around the war is predicated on information. Can land mines be located? Can wildfires be slowed or stopped? In a geospatially data-poor country like Ukraine, Matsala highlights that this kind of work, and the creation of robust datasets, is necessary to ensure the survival of Ukraine’s natural ecosystems. It also offers a chance to rethink the country’s forestry in the long-term.

"This is a huge opportunity to change some of our… practices to make the forests more resilient to climate change, to these large landscape fires, and just [healthier]," Roth, of Forest Release, said.

Roth agrees with Matsala that Ukraine’s stands of highly flammable pine trees pose a prolonged threat to the country’s forests — particularly as climate change increases drought and heat wave risk throughout Europe. In Roth’s opinion, losing some of these forests to wildfires during the war will actually allow Ukrainian foresters to plant less flammable, native tree species in their place.

The scientific and humanitarian collaboration unfolding to protect Ukraine’s forests amid war may also provide a record that would allow the country to claim legal damages for ecosystem destruction in the future.

Matsala recalled what happened in the aftermath of the Gulf War in the early 1990s. Amid fighting, invading Iraqi forces destroyed Kuwait’s oil facilities, leading to widespread pollution throughout the region. Although Iraq was forced to pay out billions of dollars to Persian Gulf countries including Kuwait, Iran, and Saudi Arabia for both damages and remediation, the payments may not have covered the totality of the environmental impacts.

Following the war, neighboring Iran requested millions of dollars in damages for a myriad of environmental impacts, including for acid rain caused by oil fires. The United Nations Compensation Commission ultimately found that Iran had "not provided the minimum technical information and documents necessary" to justify the claims for damages from the acid rain. Matsala worries that without extensive data and reporting on the war with Russia, future Ukrainian claims for environmental reparations might go nowhere.

Whether that tribunal comes to fruition, or the forests are properly rehabilitated, remains to be seen. But the work continues. And with the war still raging, and no clear end in sight, it will continue to be dangerous.

Read also: Russia pulls its scientists out of Iranian nuclear plant, as Israeli strikes threaten decades of collaboration

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Russia is systematically recruiting migrant workers from Central Asia to fight in its war against Ukraine as "cannon fodder," Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) reported on June 21.

Citizens of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and other countries in the region are increasingly being drawn into Russia's war effort under duress or with misleading promises, HUR said.

Many of those recruited are reportedly killed on the front lines.

According to HUR, Russia's security services target migrant workers who arrive in the country seeking employment, offering short-term military contracts with promises of fast cash. These individuals often lack legal protections and face coercion, with few realistic alternatives.

Among the identified victims are Uzbek nationals Umarov Syroziddin Sabirjanovich and Kholbuvozoda Muhammad Faizullo, who served in motorized rifle units and died during combat operations in Ukraine.

"Mobilized migrants are formed into separate units, which are mainly used in the most dangerous areas of the front line," HUR said. Survivors may face criminal charges in their home countries for serving in a foreign military, carrying the risk of long prison sentences.

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty previously reported that migrant workers are funneled into combat roles for financial reasons, with recruitment networks offering salaries unattainable in civilian life.

Russia has also intensified pressure on its naturalized migrant population.

On May 20, Investigative Committee head Alexander Bastrykin said that 20,000 naturalized migrants had been dispatched to Ukraine for failing to register for military service.

With public memory raw from the unpopular 2022 partial mobilization that prompted over 261,000 Russians to flee, the Kremlin has refrained from another mass draft.

Instead, it is relying on a combination of forced recruitment, enlistment bonuses, and targeted campaigns among vulnerable communities.

Read also: ‘All of Ukraine is ours’ — Putin on Russia’s territorial ambitions in Ukraine

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

President Vladimir Putin claimed on June 20 that Russia's economy is strong despite war and sanctions, brushing off mounting warnings from his own officials about stagnation and looming recession.

Speaking at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, Putin was asked about reports that the ongoing war in Ukraine was "killing" the Russian economy.

"Rumors of my death are greatly exaggerated," he replied, quoting American writer Mark Twain.

The president claimed that Russia has outpaced global economic growth over the past two years, allegedly expanding by over 4% annually.

"Our most important task is to ensure the economy's transition to a balanced growth trajectory," Putin said. "At the same time, some specialists and experts point to the risks of stagnation and even recession. This should not be allowed under any circumstances."

The statement came just a day after Central Bank Governor Elvira Nabiullina warned on that Russia's wartime economic momentum is fading fast. She said the economy is approaching the limits of its growth potential, adding that previously effective tools are now exhausted.

Economy Minister Maxim Reshetnikov echoed the concerns, telling a separate forum audience on June 19 that Russia is "on the verge of a transition to recession." He emphasized that recession is not inevitable and that "everything depends on our decisions."

Moscow has experienced rapid inflation and historically high interest rates amid its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The central bank raised rates repeatedly to combat inflation, but on June 6, it made its first cut in nearly two years, from 21% to 20%.

Putin has criticized the central bank's tight monetary policy for choking off private investment, especially in non-defense sectors.

Despite Putin's optimistic rhetoric, analysts attribute Russia's economic slowdown to sustained international sanctions, falling oil prices, rising wartime spending, and supply disruptions.

Russia's ever-mounting losses on the battlefield which recently passed the 1 million mark are also likely contrbuting to the economic turmoil as the Kremlin is having to pay people to sign up to fight rather than introduce what would be a hugely unpopular mass mobilization.

According to an analysis by economist Janis Kluge, Russia's daily bill just for sign-up bonuses is $24 million.

The ballooning bills come at a time when Russia's economy is already under huge strain from Western sanctions and falling oil and gas revenues.

"The implications for Russia are grave," energy security analyst Wojciech Jakobik wrote in an op-ed for the Kyiv Independent this week.

Read also: ‘All of Ukraine is ours’ — Putin on Russia’s territorial ambitions in Ukraine

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Russia has lost 1,010,390 troops in Ukraine since the beginning of its full-scale invasion on Feb. 24, 2022, the General Staff of Ukraine's Armed Forces reported on June 21.

The number includes 1,060 casualties that Russian forces suffered just over the past day.

According to the report, Russia has also lost 10,955 tanks, 22,865 armored fighting vehicles, 52,617 vehicles and fuel tanks, 29,393 artillery systems, 1,421 multiple launch rocket systems, 1,188 air defense systems, 416 airplanes, 337 helicopters, 41,422 drones, 3,369 cruise missiles, 28 ships and boats, and one submarine.

Read also: Russia pulls its scientists out of Iranian nuclear plant, as Israeli strikes threaten decades of collaboration

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

President Volodymyr Zelensky said on June 20 that Ukraine is rapidly developing interceptor drones to defend against increasingly frequent Russian drone attacks.

In his nightly address, Zelensky said the new drones would help strengthen Ukraine's defenses against Iranian-designed Shahed drones, which Russia has been deploying in growing numbers in recent weeks.

"We are... making separate efforts on interceptor drones, which must strengthen our defense against Shahed attacks," he said, adding that Ukraine's domestic drone production is "already delivering results."

Zelensky also noted that "production volumes of interceptors are already increasing."

Russian drone strikes across Ukraine have been breaking records in recent weeks, with nearly 500 drones and missiles launched overnight on June 9 – highlighting the urgent need for effective countermeasures.

To support Kyiv's defense industry, Zelensky said that Ukraine is working with international partners to secure additional funding and is preparing new agreements ahead of next week’s NATO summit.

Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine has focused heavily on developing and deploying advanced unmanned systems. As of April 2025, more than 95% of drones used by Ukrainian forces on the front line are domestically produced.

Both Ukraine and Russia have increasingly relied on drone warfare, employing aerial, naval, and ground-based drones for reconnaissance and combat operations – making technological innovation a critical component of the war.

Read also: ‘Massive’ Russian drone attacks on residential buildings in Odesa kill 1, injure 14

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

President Volodymyr Zelensky is set to attend a NATO summit in The Hague next week, the European Council confirmed on June 20.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte are set to meet Zelensky on June 24.

Zelensky was reportedly reconsidering attending the NATO summit, as questions remain over U.S. President Donald Trump's participation, the Guardian reported on June 17, citing unnamed Ukrainian officials.

A schedule released by the European Council on June 20 confirms Zelensky's planned participation at the event.

A Ukrainian official told the Guardian that Kyiv is in a "permanent hazard" of becoming a victim of "Trump's short attention span," adding that Russia has exploited this uncertainty with fresh aerial attacks.

There were "all sorts of promises for this summit," including U.S. arms, the source said.

Zelensky was scheduled to meet U.S. President Donald Trump at the Group of Seven (G7) Summit, held June 15-17.

Trump left the multilateral event early due to the renewed conflict between Israel and Iran.

Zelensky met with various leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney.

Zelensky left the summit early, citing Russia's mass drone and missile attack on Kyiv.

On June 17, a Russian drone and missile attack on Kyiv killed 30 people and injured another 172. The nearly nine-hour-long strike saw Moscow's forces launch large numbers of drones and missiles at Ukraine's capital.

Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha condemned the attack, describing it as a "massive and brutal strike" timed deliberately to coincide with the G7 summit.

Read also: Russia pulls its scientists out of Iranian nuclear plant, as Israeli strikes threaten decades of collaboration

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Russian attacks on Kherson Oblast injured seven people between June 20 and 21, local officials reported.

Russian forces launched drone attacks and artillery strikes on multiple settlements across Kherson Oblast, including the city of Kherson, Governor Oleksandr Prokudin reported on Telegram.

Targets included Antonivka, Beryslav, Bilozerka, Vesele, Darivka, Zmiivka, Zorivka, Kizomys, Lvove, Mykolaivka, Novoberyslav, Novokairy, Olhivka, Poniativka, Sadove, Sofiivka, Tiahynka, Chervonyi Maiak, and Chervonyi Yar.

The strikes damaged civilian infrastructure, including two apartment buildings, 14 private homes, outbuildings, a garage, and several cars.

Kherson Oblast, located in southern Ukraine just north of Russian-occupied Crimea, has been repeatedly targeted by Russian forces since the start of the full-scale invasion.

Read also: ‘All of Ukraine is ours’ — Putin on Russia’s territorial ambitions in Ukraine

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Key developments on June 20:

"All of Ukraine is ours" — Putin on Russia's territorial ambitions in UkraineUkraine, Russia carry out 2nd prisoner swap this week under Istanbul deal"Massive" Russian drone attacks on residential buildings in Odesa kill 1, injure 14Ukraine imposes new sanctions on Russian, Chinese, Belarusian companies involved in drone production

Russian President Vladimir Putin said "all of Ukraine" belonged to Russia in a speech on June 20 at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, amid increasingly aggressive official statements about Moscow's final territorial ambitions in Ukraine.

Putin's claim was based on the false narrative often pushed both by himself as leader and by Russian propaganda that Russians and Ukrainians are "one people."

The narrative has long figured prominently in Putin's rhetoric, often brought up as justification for its aggression in Ukraine.

In July 2021, just half a year before the full-scale invasion, the Russian leader stoked fears of a larger attack when he wrote and published an essay on the "historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians."

In response to the speech in St Petersburg, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha condemned Putin’s comments as "cynical," saying it showed "complete disregard for U.S. peace efforts."

"While the United States and the rest of the world have called for an immediate end to the killing, Russia's top war criminal discusses plans to seize more Ukrainian territory and kill more Ukrainians," he wrote in a post on X.

Putin made several other statements at the forum, some contradictory, about Moscow's aims in the war going forward.

"Wherever the foot of a Russian soldier steps is Russian land," Putin said, directly implying Russia's intention to continue occupying more than just the five Ukrainian regions that Moscow has illegally laid claim to: Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, as well as the Autonomous Republic of Crimea.

Sybiha said that "Russian soldier's foot" brings only "death, destruction, and devastation." He accused Putin of indifference toward his own troops, calling him “a mass murderer of his own people.”

"He already disposed one million Russian soldiers in a senseless bloodbath in Ukraine without achieving a single strategic goal. One million soldiers. Two million feet," the minister said.

"And, while Putin is busy sending Russian feet to invade other countries, he is bringing Russians inside the country to their knees economically."

As per the "peace memorandum" presented by the Russian delegation at the last round of peace talks in Istanbul on June 2, Moscow demands Kyiv recognize the oblasts as Russian and hand over all territory not yet controlled by Russian forces into occupation, including the regional capitals of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia.

Asked whether Russia aimed to seize the regional center of Sumy in Ukraine's northeast, Putin said that while such a mission has not been assigned, he wouldn't rule it out.

Russian ground attacks into Sumy Oblast have intensified along the northeastern border in the past weeks, having first crossed the border after Ukraine's withdrawal from most of its positions in Kursk Oblast in March.

Sybiha urged the West to ramp up military aid to Ukraine, tighten sanctions against Russia, designate Moscow a terrorist state, and "isolate it fully."

"His cynical statements serve only one purpose: to divert public attention away from the complete failure of his quarter-century rule," the minister added.

When asked if Moscow requires the complete capitulation of Kyiv and the Ukrainian leadership, Putin denied this, saying that Russia instead demands the "recognition of the realities on the ground."

Read also: Russia pulls its scientists out of Iranian nuclear plant, as Israeli strikes threaten decades of collaboration

Ukraine, Russia carry out 2nd prisoner swap this week under Istanbul deal

Ukraine has brought home another group of prisoners of war released from Russian captivity, President Volodymyr Zelensky said on June 20, following another prisoner exchange a day earlier.

"Most of the warriors returning today from Russian captivity had been held for over two years. And now, at last, they are home," Zelensky said on X, without revealing how many captives were exchanged.

Russia's Defense Ministry also said that a group of Russian soldiers had been released by the Ukrainian side, without specifying the number of personnel involved.

This week's exchanges follow four similar swaps carried out last week in accordance with Ukraine-Russia agreements reached at peace talks in Istanbul on June 2.

The latest swap was another in a series focusing on seriously ill and wounded prisoners, Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of the Prisoners of War (POW) said.

"These are defenders of Mariupol, Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, Kharkiv, and Chernihiv regions. Warriors of the Armed Forces, the National Guard, and the Border Guard Service," Zelensky said.

The released POWs included privates and non-commissioned officers, some of whom were captured after the siege of Mariupol in 2022, according to the Coordination Headquarters. The oldest one is 60 years old, said Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets.

Read also: Russia’s war-fueled economy is running on empty, Central Bank chief warns

"Massive" Russian drone attacks on residential buildings in Odesa kill 1, injure 14

Russian forces struck residential buildings in Odesa overnight on June 20, killing a civilian and injuring at least 14 others, including three emergency workers, the Prosecutor General's Office reported.

The attack, which the service described as "massive," rang out around 1 a.m. local time. The attack drones struck over 10 targets, including seven residential buildings, and led to multiple large-scale fires.

At the site of one of the attacks, a 23-story residential building caught fire between the 18th and 20th floors, and led to the evacuation of over 600 people.

In a separate attack on a four-story building within the city, three firefighters were injured when structural elements collapsed on the responders. The building is described as being "completely engulfed in flames," according to the State Emergency Service.

The aftermath of a Russian drone attack on a residential building in Odesa on June 20, 2025. The attacks on the city injured at least 13 people, including three firefighters. (Odesa Oblast Governor Oleh Kiper/Telegram)

The three injured firefighters are currently hospitalized in stable condition. Additional information on the attacks, as well as casualties, is being clarified as search efforts under rubble and debris continue.

In addition to the buildings, Odesa's main train station also had infrastructure damaged as a result of the drone attack, Ukraine's railway agency Ukrzaliznytsia reported.

Odesa, a port city on Ukraine’s Black Sea coast with a population of around 1 million, has been a frequent target of Russian attacks throughout the full-scale war.

"The overhead contact line and the rail and sleeper grid were affected," the agency wrote in a statement, adding that no injuries had been reported.

Ukraine imposes new sanctions on Russian, Chinese, Belarusian companies involved in drone production

President Volodymyr Zelensky signed a decree on June 20, imposing sanctions on 56 individuals and 55 Russian, Chinese, and Belarusian companies involved in the production of Russian drones and sanctions circumvention.

Ukraine introduced new restrictions as Russia has escalated drone attacks against Ukrainian cities over the past weeks, launching record 400-500 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) per night.

Individuals and legal entities subject to Ukrainian sanctions cannot do business and trade in Ukraine, cannot withdraw their capital from the country. In the meantime, their assets are blocked, as well as their access to public and defense procurement, and entry into the territory of Ukraine, among other restrictions.

The new package of sanctions targets individuals and entities involved in the development and production of Russian drones such as Geran, Orlan-10, SuperCam, and first-person-view (FPV) drones, according to a decree published on the Presidential Office's website.

The Belarusian Precision Electromechanics Plant and six Chinese enterprises located in Hong Kong and in the provinces of Shandong and Shenzhen are among the sanctioned entities.

The sanctions list includes equipment suppliers to Alabuga Machinery, a Russian manufacturer of machine tools and gears, and individuals who import components for the sanctioned Kronshtadt JSC, a drone producer that developed Banderol UAVs with jet engines.

Note from the author:

Ukraine War Latest is put together by the Kyiv Independent news desk team, who keep you informed 24 hours a day, seven days a week. If you value our work and want to ensure we have the resources to continue, join the Kyiv Independent community.

Read also: Not content with waging war inside Ukraine, Russia has now taken it into the virtual world

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Russia's memorandum on a peace proposal is the "best offer Ukraine can get today," Russia's envoy to the United Nations (UN), Vasily Nebenzya, said at a UN Security Council meeting on June 20.

"During the direct Russian-Ukrainian talks that were held, we presented our memorandum on a peaceful settlement. It consists of two parts: conditions for a comprehensive long-term peace and conditions for a ceasefire," Nebenzya said.

"This is the best offer Ukraine can get today. We advise accepting it as things will only get worse for Kyiv, from here on out," he said.

At Istanbul peace talks on June 2, Russian negotiators told the Ukrainian delegation that their so-called "peace memorandum" is an ultimatum Kyiv cannot accept, President Volodymyr Zelensky said in an interview published on June 10.

"They even told our delegation: we know that our memorandum is an ultimatum, and you will not accept it," Zelensky said. "Thus, the question is not the quality of the Istanbul format, but what to do about the Russians' lies."

"In Istanbul, we also agreed on a large-scale exchange of prisoners of war," Nebenzya said at the UN Security Council meeting on Ukraine.

Aside from agreeing on large-scale prisoner exchanges, peace negotiations between Ukraine and Russia have been largely inconclusive as Moscow continues to issue maximalist demands toward Kyiv.

Nebenzya noted that Ukraine and Russia should resume direct peace talks in Turkey after June 22, despite Russia's intensified drone and missile attacks on Ukraine.

On June 17, a Russian drone and missile attack on Kyiv killed 30 people and injured another 172. The nearly nine-hour-long strike saw Moscow's forces launch large numbers of drones and missiles at Ukraine's capital.

Russia's statements diverged from those of other speakers at the UN Security Council meeting on June 20.

"We call on Russia to agree to an unconditional ceasefire. Russia initiated this war; we call on Russia to end it," Barbara Woodward, the U.K.'s Permanent Representative to the UN, said.

Russia has illegally laid claim to five Ukrainian regions despite not controlling all of the territory. The regions include Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, as well as the Autonomous Republic of Crimea.

Read also: Not content with waging war inside Ukraine, Russia has now taken it into the virtual world

---

From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Ukraine's Unmanned Systems Forces (USF) announced on June 20 the establishment of a new command group that will unite the branch with other top drone units in the country's military.

Drones have become one of the defining tools of the full-scale war, used extensively by both Ukraine and Russia for surveillance, long-range strikes, and tactical battlefield firepower.

The new formation will unite all military units of the USF with the Drone Line, a project launched by President Volodymyr Zelensky in February this year to coordinate and expand five of the country's strongest drone units.

The new command umbrella was created to "improve the efficiency of management, transform the Forces, and adapt to the requirements of modern warfare," according to the statement.

The units will operate within a single chain of command, with a defined structure and a common vision of unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) tactics in order to harmonize approaches, establish joint work, and use unmanned systems more effectively in combat, the USF said.

The Unmanned Systems Forces were created as a separate branch of Ukraine's military in June 2024.

At that time, Ukraine's strongest existing drone units served in other branches of the defense forces, including the Ground Forces, National Guard, and the Security Service of Ukraine.

The newly-created group will be led by Major Robert Brovdi, better known by his callsign Magyar, whom Zelensky appointed as the commander of the USF in early June.

Brovdi had previously served as commander of the eponymous Magyar's Birds Unmanned Systems Brigade, a founding member of the Drone Line initiative and one of the most consistently high-performing drone units in the Ukrainian military.

A world-first phenomenon, Ukraine's Unmanned Systems Forces works to improve the country's drone operations, creating drone-specific units, ramping up training, increasing drone production, and advancing innovation.

The USF has also carried out hundreds of operations deep within Russian territory.

Following in Ukraine's footsteps, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the creation of his country's own individual drone branch on June 12.

Colonel Vadym Sukharevskyi, previously deputy commander-in-chief of Ukraine's Armed Forces, was named the first commander of the USF on June 10, 2024.

Brovdi replaced Sukharevskyi, who was dismissed on June 3.

According to military personnel who spoke anonymously to Ukrainian news outlet Suspilne, Sukharevskyi's relationship with Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi was tense from the beginning of the USF's formation.

Sukharevskyi's appointment was a decision by president Zelensky, not Syrskyi, sources said.

People close to both Syrskyi and Sukharevskyi also claimed the two men avoided face-to-face interactions.

Read also: Not content with waging war inside Ukraine, Russia has now taken it into the virtual world

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Russian President Vladimir Putin said 'all of Ukraine' belonged to Russia in a speech on June 20 at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, amid increasingly aggressive official statements about Moscow's final territorial ambitions in Ukraine.

Putin's claim was based on the false narrative often pushed both by himself as leader and by Russian propaganda that Russians and Ukrainians are "one people."

The narrative has long figured prominently in Putin's rhetoric, often brought up as justification for its aggression in Ukraine.

In July 2021, just half a year before the full-scale invasion, the Russian leader stoked fears of a larger attack when he wrote and published an essay on the "historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians."

In the same speech in St Petersburg, Putin made several other statements, some contradictory, about Moscow's aims in the war going forward.

"Wherever the foot of a Russian soldier steps is Russian land," Putin said, directly implying Russia's intention to continue occupying more than just the five Ukrainian regions that Moscow has illegally laid claim to: Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, as well as the Autonomous Republic of Crimea.

As per the "peace memorandum" presented by the Russian delegation at the last round of peace talks in Istanbul on June 2, Moscow demands Kyiv recognize the oblasts as Russian and hand over all territory not yet controlled by Russian forces into occupation, including the regional capitals of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia.

Asked whether Russia aimed to seize the regional center of Sumy in Ukraine's northeast, Putin said that while such a mission has not been assigned, he wouldn't rule it out.

Russian ground attacks into Sumy Oblast have intensified along the northeastern border in the past weeks, having first crossed the border after Ukraine's withdrawal from most of its positions in Kursk Oblast in March.

Russian troops have moved 10-12 kilometers (6-8 miles) deep into the region, according to Putin.

"The city of Sumy is next, the regional center. We don't have a task to take Sumy, but I don't rule it out," Putin said.

Since March, Russia has reportedly taken control of about 200 square kilometers (80 square miles) in northern Sumy Oblast, including roughly a dozen small villages, according to open-source conflict mapping projects.

As of May 31, mandatory evacuations had been ordered for 213 settlements.

In May, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his military to create a so-called "security buffer zone" along the border with Ukraine, while Zelensky said on May 28 that Moscow had massed 50,000 troops near Sumy.

In a separate interview with Bild on June 12, Zelensky dismissed Moscow's claims of significant territorial gains as "a Russian narrative" aimed at shaping global perceptions. He stressed that Ukrainian forces have managed to hold off a renewed offensive for nearly three weeks.

When asked if Moscow requires the complete capitulation of Kyiv and the Ukrainian leadership, Putin denied this, saying that Russia instead demands the "recognition of the realities on the ground."

The statement follows a consistent line from Russian officials since the return of U.S. President Donald Trump brought new momentum to the idea of a quick negotiated peace in Ukraine.

Projecting a winning position on the battlefield and gaining confidence from Trump's frequent anti-Ukrainian rhetoric and refusal to approve further military aid to Kyiv, Moscow has stuck to maximalist demands, refusing the joint U.S.-Ukraine proposal of a 30-day unconditional ceasefire along the front line.

On June 18, in an interview to CNN, Russian ambassador to the U.K. Andrei Kelin said that while Russian forces were advancing on the battlefield and taking more Ukrainian, there was no incentive to stop, and that Kyiv must either accept Moscow's peace terms now or "surrender" after losing much more.

Read also: With no new US aid packages on the horizon, can Ukraine continue to fight Russia?

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

President Volodymyr Zelensky on June 20 condemned Russia's attempts to advance in Sumy Oblast, as Moscow intensifies its rhetoric of maximalist demands toward Ukraine.

"The Russians had various plans and intentions there — absolutely insane, as usual. We are holding them back and eliminating these killers, defending our Sumy Oblast," Zelensky said in his evening address.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, earlier on June 20, claimed that "all of Ukraine" belonged to Russia, citing the Kremlin's propaganda talking points. Moscow regularly claims that Russians and Ukrainians are "one people."

Putin singled out Sumy, saying that "the city of Sumy is next, the regional center. We don't have a task to take Sumy, but I don't rule it out."

Ukraine's northeastern Sumy Oblast borders Russia and regularly faces Russian shelling as well as drone and missile attacks.

"There was a meeting of the Staff — a very detailed report on the frontline. Particular attention was paid to the Sumy Oblast, to operations in the border areas. I am grateful to our units for their resilience," Zelensky said.

Ukraine continues efforts to work with its allies to increase investment in defense production, he said.

"The volume of support this year is the largest since the start of the full-scale war," Zelensky noted.

Ukraine and Russia held direct peace talks in Turkey on May 16 and June 2. The efforts were largely inconclusive, with Moscow reiterating maximalist demands towards Ukraine.

The two sides were able to agree on large-scale prisoner exchanges. Despite the efforts, Russia has intensified drone and missile attacks on Ukraine.

On June 17, a Russian drone and missile attack on Kyiv killed 30 people and injured another 172. The nearly nine-hour-long strike saw Moscow's forces launch large numbers of drones and missiles at Ukraine's capital.

Read also: Ukraine war latest: Kyiv calls on West to isolate Moscow after Putin claims ‘all of Ukraine’ belongs to Russia

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

The beginning of the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts' occupation in 2014, the battle for Mariupol in 2022, and the capture of Avdiivka in 2024 are no longer just episodes of Russian aggression against Ukraine. They are now missions in the new Russian video game Squad 22: ZOV.

Nearly a year after the Russian studio SPN announced in July 2024 that it had started working on the game in cooperation with Russia's Defense Ministry, Squad 22: ZOV became available for free in Russian, English, and Chinese on Steam, an international distribution platform with over 30 million active users daily.

Before the game begins, players choose from characters from Ukraine’s partially Russian-occupied Donetsk Oblast, where Moscow launched its 2014 invasion under the false pretext of protecting Russian speakers from persecution, a baseless claim widely debunked as Kremlin propaganda.

In the game, the characters say they are seeking to "bring peace" to their homeland — but under the Russian flag. Their mission is to capture positions held by the Ukrainian Armed Forces and advance deeper into Ukrainian territory, repeating Kremlin narratives that portray Russia’s war as a response to “Kyiv’s terror,” another certifiably false claim.

The new game is not the first time Russia has used video games as a vehicle for propaganda aimed at young audiences. But it is the first to focus on Russia’s war in Ukraine, featuring real battles and characters based on actual individuals.

Almost immediately after it was published on Steam, the game was unavailable in Ukraine. As of June, it has received mixed reviews. But experts interviewed by the Kyiv Independent said that even if the game fails to attract a wide audience, it still poses a threat — and there is nothing to stop Russia from continuing to develop another, potentially more effective tool for spreading its propaganda.

Character selection screen from Squad 22: ZOV - the game whitewashes Russian war crimes and promotes anti-Ukrainian narratives. (X)

"Saying that Squad 22: ZOV promotes the genocide of Ukrainians, justifies the terrorism of the Russian army, and presents itself as 'a savior from the Nazis' is an understatement," Mykhailo Hrabar, a Ukrainian gaming blogger with a nickname OLDboi, told the Kyiv Independent.

The first Russian tutorial on how to wage war in Ukraine

Squad 22: ZOV was produced by Russian national Alexander Tolkach, who held various positions, including in Ukraine, before working on the video game.

Tolkach was a diplomat in Europe, led external communications at DTEK, Ukraine's largest private energy company, and worked for Hungarian video game developer Gaijin Entertainment, particularly on the War Thunder video game popular among soldiers as a military simulator.

In an interview with pro-Russian military blogger Kirill Fedorov, Tolkach said Russia's Defense Ministry contacted him at the beginning of 2024 to develop a game as soon as possible "to demonstrate that we can." Tolkach also said that Russian companies are usually reluctant to make games about the Russian war in Ukraine because of their dependence on international partners and the threat of sanctions.

"The Russians are trying to figure out how far they can go with their future, more expensive, technically superior games, with which they can attract the attention of Western players and pour anything into their ears."

"We had to launch our own studio. The work continued, and we released the game in nine months (on the local market). It is not the perfect one, but we are not ashamed. And most importantly, we showed people: 'Look, nothing happened to us,'" Tolkach said on May 20 on Fedorov Live, referring to sanctions or bans from the international gaming community.

The game frequently refers to pro-Russian narratives that glorify the Russian army and justify Russian aggression, calling for the "liberation" of Russian-occupied Ukrainian territories fron Ukraine. The developers also said on the game’s website that they consulted with those who participated in Russia's war in Ukraine, including Vladislav Golovin, a career Russian military officer who took part in the siege of Mariupol in Donetsk Oblast in 2022.

According to the game's description on Steam, Squad 22: ZOV is recommended by the Russian army as a basic infantry tactical manual for cadets and members of Yunarmiya ("Youth Army"), the state-sponsored youth organization that combines ideological indoctrination with military training for children and teenagers.

Artwork from Squad 22: ZOV depicts Russian troops overlooking a burning Ukrainian city. (X)

Oleh Kulikov, an esports analyst, told the Kyiv Independent that the fact that a game is recommended at the state level may interest an average user even more than its content. According to the expert, Squad 22: ZOV is of low quality and will be difficult to affect a wide range of users worldwide.

"For the most part, propaganda video games are low-grade and unattractive, and this is where the Barbra Streisand effect comes in," Kulikov said, referring to a phenomenon where an attempt to hide something only brings more attention to it.

Oleksandr Petryk, a Ukrainian esports commentator with the nickname Petr1k, echoed Kulikov's stance, saying that Squad 22: ZOV has graphics of games released in the early 2000s, and is unlikely to attract young people in the way that the Ukrainian video game S.T.A.L.K.E.R. has. However, even if someone accidentally downloads the game abroad and sees the interpretation of events in Ukraine from a Russian perspective, it will play into Russia's hands, he added.

How to resist Russian propaganda in cyberspace?

Squad 22: ZOV, made in a matter of months and openly funded by the Russian government, is unlikely to cause large-scale damage to Ukraine, but a better Russian product can, the experts interviewed by the Kyiv Independent said.

"The Russians are trying to figure out how far they can go with their future, more expensive, technically superior games, with which they can attract the attention of Western players and pour anything into their ears," game blogger Hrabar said, adding that Russia is already developing better projects, particularly about Russia's Wagner Group of mercenaries.

According to the experts, Steam, owned by the American Valve Corporation, has already been involved in scandals when controversial games were published on its platform that illegally collected user data or had a plot that contained sexual violence and were removed only after public outcry. The fact that Steam approved Squad 22: ZOV was no surprise.

"Steam has very weak moderation, which is partially performed not even by Valve employees, but by active community members," Hrabar said. "After the platform canceled the Greenlight system, which allowed the community to vote for games to be published, the pipe burst. Now you can get to the platform even with a piece of crap."

Esports analyst Kulikov added that to effectively counter Russian propaganda in video games, Ukraine must develop its own, thereby promoting the Ukrainian brand on the international market. At the same time, the Ukrainian government should respond to the launch of such propaganda projects as Squad 22: ZOV.

"Ukraine's Digital Transformation Ministry needs to reach out to companies like Valve Corporation, the very next day after the game is released or announced," Kulikov said.

"Even if it doesn't work, it will help to develop connections to establish operations and prevent something more serious from happening in the future. And it is bound to happen."

Author's note:

Hi, this is Kateryna, the author of the article. Thank you for reading. The war between Ukraine and Russia has long gone beyond the battlefield, and Russian propaganda is widely spread in the media, movies, and video games. The game Squad 22: ZOV is one of many examples of Russian propaganda tools, targeting one of the most vulnerable audiences, youth. If you want to see more articles like this, and support us in countering Russian propaganda, consider joining our community today.

Read also: Russia just accidentally admitted to its staggering troop losses in Ukraine

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Israel’s strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities have alarmed none more than Russia, the country that first brought nuclear power to Iran in defiance of Western objections.

We’re “millimeters from catastrophe,” said Kremlin spokeswoman Maria Zakharova on June 18 in response to a bombing campaign that Israel launched against Iran on June 13.

Decades of conflict with the West have united Iran and Russia, despite a cultural gulf between the two nations that dwarfs the Caspian Sea that physically divides them.

Russia has spent the past decade backing Iran-aligned regimes and militia groups throughout the Middle East. Most famous is Bashar al-Assad, a longtime dictator in Syria, on whose behalf Russia began actively fighting against rebels back in 2015. Assad fell in December.

"We're dealing with the domino effects of those changes," Anna Borshchevskaya, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute focusing on Russia's policy toward the Middle East, told the Kyiv Independent.

"In my view, the Russians were not just mere opportunists. They weren't just hedging their bets. They weren't just watching on the sidelines. They were actively fueling chaos across the Middle East."

"Of course, they've (Iran and Russia) had such extensive nuclear cooperation because it was Russia that built the Bushehr nuclear reactor in the first place."

In addition to a broad sense of being at war with the West, nuclear energy is a rare concrete tie joining Russia and Iran, alongside the arms trade and a shared interest in dodging sanctions on fossil fuels. Strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities are, for Russia, personal.

"Of course, they've had such extensive nuclear cooperation because it was Russia that built the Bushehr nuclear reactor in the first place," said Borshchevskaya.

Opened in 2007 and providing power by 2010, Bushehr is to date the only functioning nuclear power plant in Iran. Originally a project by German company Siemens, construction was on hold for decades following the toppling of the Shah in 1979. Built and maintained by Russia, it was the first nuclear reactor in the Middle East.

The Bushehr nuclear power plant is seen in a coastal village in Bushehr province, Iran, on April 29, 2024. (Morteza Nikoubazl / NurPhoto via Getty Images)Russian President Vladimir Putin (L) meets with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) on Jan. 17, 2025. (Kremlin Press Office / Handout / Anadolu via Getty Images)

On June 19, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced that he had agreed with Israel as to the safety of the "over 200" specialists working at Bushehr on behalf of the Russian nuclear agency Rosatom.

The same day, Rosatom Head Aleksei Likhachov said at a conference in St. Petersburg that the agency had evacuated “tens” of their employees from Bushehr and were weighing a full evacuation, Russian news outlet Interfax reported.

Bushehr has yet to fall under Israeli strikes, at least in part because that would be a nuclear disaster.

The West stonewalled the Bushehr plant that Russia ultimately built out of concern that at least expertise, if not materials, would be redirected to Iranian nuclear weaponry. But Russia wanted a sale. Experts note that the uranium that Iran uses at its enrichment sites is separate from Bushehr, where Russia holds a monopoly.

But why Iran would pay Russia to build Bushehr and supply all of its uranium, as it does to this day, is an odd arrangement given that the oil and gas-rich Iran has little real need for nuclear energy.

"It is dubious to say that the reason why (Iran) did so is because they were absolutely desperate for having a nuclear power program. It is my belief that they did it to have a weapons program," Richard Nephew, a senior research scholar at Columbia University’s energy program and former U.S. President Joe Biden’s special envoy to Iran said to the Kyiv Independent.

John Erath, senior policy director for the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, echoed the sentiment.

“There was some question as to why they would build a nuclear power plant at great expense when they had no room for energy. I think the motives were pretty clear: Iran wanted experience with the technologies. They wanted to develop greater technical expertise and manage nuclear materials,” Erath told the Kyiv Independent. He maintained, however, that “Bushehr doesn’t have a role in the weapons program.”

Bushehr is the primary site of Russia’s nuclear engagement with Iran. But as a result of its ties as well as its position on the UN Security Council, Russia became a primary broker of the Barack Obama administration’s Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA, colloquially the Iran nuclear deal.

The nuclear enrichment site that Israel is asking for U.S. aid in blowing up is Fordow, built under the mountains outside the city of Qom.

Nephew reminds that per the JCPOA, Russia was supposed to convert the Fordow plant from an enrichment facility to a “stable isotope separation plant.”

Experts interviewed by the Kyiv Independent all maintained that Russia was to all appearances a fair broker of the JCPOA in Iran. But it illustrates the resilience of Russia’s nuclear soft power and hard economics.

Kazakhstan is by far the largest source of uranium in the world. Russia, in turn, remains the largest seller of enriched uranium in the world, even as the European Union struggles to break free of energy dependence on Russian fossil fuels.

The equipment and even the fuel that goes into nuclear power plants are far less replaceable than oil and gas, providing an economic umbilical cord to Russia.

“Neither of them needs each other for the thing they primarily export, so it's all secondary stuff, and that secondary stuff is nuclear and arms,“ said Nephew.

Iranian youth stand under an Iranian-made Shahed-136 unmanned aerial vehicle in Tehran, Iran, on Feb. 11, 2023. (Morteza Nikoubazl / NurPhoto / Getty Images)

One infamous example is Iran’s Shahed drones, which Russia began importing and firing at Ukraine near the end of 2022. Russia has since made more and more of its own copy, the Geran.

For Russia, nuclear generation and the prestige of being one of the few nations that can build nuclear reactors have been a rare source of geopolitical soft power, including the JCPOA.

Even U.S. President Donald Trump recently floated the idea of Russian President Vladimir Putin functioning as a mediator between Iran and Israel, which he subsequently backtracked.

Rosatom, Russia’s nuclear agency, announced the construction of another nuclear plant in Iran in 2019. And on June 9 of this year, news broke that Iran’s nuclear agency had inked a contract with Rosatom for eight more reactors, including four at Bashehr. On June 13, Israel’s strikes began.

Even without Israel attacking, experts were doubtful that Russia would build these new plants. Their announcement was, rather, a "symbolic" gesture of support.

"They want to show cooperation with Russia," said Erath. "The nuclear power sector is something that's important to the Russian government. It's one of the areas that they export that has high value, that the Russians still are exporting, profiting from, when the rest of their economy is in big trouble."

Note from the author:

Hi, this is Kollen, the author of the article. Thank you for reading. The Kyiv Independent doesn’t have a wealthy owner or a paywall. Instead, we rely on readers like you to keep our journalism funded.

We’re now aiming to grow our community that has reached 20,000 paying members — if you liked this story, consider joining our community today.

Read also: There’s loads of video of Israeli air defenses, and none of Ukraine’s — this is why

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From The Kyiv Independent - News from Ukraine, Eastern Europe via this RSS feed

Russia's wartime economic momentum is fading fast, with key resources nearly exhausted, Russian Central Bank Governor Elvira Nabiullina said, warning that the country can no longer rely on the same tools that sustained growth in the first two years of the full-scale war against Ukraine, the Moscow Times reported on June 19.

Speaking at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, Nabiullina said that the Russian economy had been expanding on the back of "free resources," including labor, industrial capacity, bank capital reserves, and liquid assets from the National Wealth Fund (NWF) — all of which are now reportedly nearing depletion.

"We grew for two years at a fairly high pace because free resources were activated," she said. "We need to understand that many of those resources have truly been exhausted."

Her comments come after Russia's ambassador to the U.K., Andrei Kelin, claimed in an interview with CNN this week that Russia is spending "only 5–7%" of its federal budget on the war. Kelin claimed that Russia can continue waging its war, saying Moscow "is winning."

According to the state statistics agency Rosstat, Russia's unemployment rate has dropped to a historic low of 2.3%. At the same time, mass emigration and large-scale wartime recruitment have created a labor shortage estimated at 2 million people. Industrial capacity utilization has surged beyond 80%, the highest in modern Russian history.

Read also: Ukraine war latest: Russia accidentally admits to its staggering troop losses in Ukraine

Russia's economy is now "on the verge of a transition to recession," Russian Economy Minister Maxim Reshetnikov said at the same forum. Official data show that GDP growth slowed from 4.1% in late 2023 to just 1.4% in the first quarter of 2024, with the economy contracting quarter-on-quarter for the first time since 2022.

Business profits in March fell by one-third overall and dropped by half in the critical oil and gas sector. Industrial growth stagnated at 1.2% year-over-year between January and April, while civilian sectors of the economy began shrinking. Retail turnover growth slowed from 7.2% in December to just 2.4% in April.

An anonymous Russian analyst told Novaya Gazeta Europe that government technocrats are effectively telling Russian President Vladimir Putin it's time to choose between "war or economy."

During its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has faced rising inflation due to record military spending, pushing the central bank to maintain high interest rates. Under government pressure, the bank cut the rate slightly from 21% to 20% earlier in June, despite concerns about weakened private investment.

Officials have scaled back key development projects and reduced shipments of metals and oil products. Early hopes for recovery in 2025, driven by talks with the U.S., have faded as inflation and sanctions weigh heavily on growth.

Read also: As Russian losses in Ukraine hit 1 million, Putin’s war economy heads toward breaking point

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